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이준석, 대표직 사퇴…'미룰 수 없는 정치일정'은?_我的网站

倚天屠龙记之魔教教主

一 | <앵커> 오늘(26일) 개혁신당에선 이준석 대표가 자리에서 물러났습니다. 이 대표는 당의 활로를 찾으려는 과정에서 어려움이 있었다고 사퇴 이유를 밝혔는데, 정치권의 관심은 이 대표가 남긴 한마디에 쏠렸습니다. 김보미 기자입니다. <기자> 국회에서 기자회견을 자처한 이준석 개혁신당 대표. 1분 남짓 짧은 글을 읽으면서 대표직 사퇴를 선언했습니다. 지난 2023년, 국민의힘 탈당한 뒤 이듬해 개혁신당을 창당해 초대 대표를 맡았고, 지난해 대선 이후, 다시 대표를 맡은 지 13개월 만입니다. [이준석/개혁신당 대표 : 지방선거 이후 석 달 남짓, 저는 당의 자강과 쇄신을 위한 고민과 제안을 해왔습니다. 그러나 당 안에서 충분한 호응을 얻지 못했습니다.] 개혁신당은 지난 6·3 지방선거에서 기초의원 1명만 배출한 초라한 성적에 그쳤고, 정이한 전 부산시장 후보가 피습 자작극을 벌인 혐의로 수사받는 등 악재가 겹쳤습니다. 이 대표는 뉴미디어 전략을 강화하고, 조직강화특별위원회 발족해 돌파구를 뚫어보려 했지만, 당내 동력을 제대로 확보하지 못했단 평가입니다. 그런데, 이 대표 사퇴의 변에선 이 말이 여러 해석을 낳았습니다. [이준석/개혁신당 대표 : 우리 앞에는 미룰 수 없는 정치 일정이 놓여 있습니다. 정치의 시간은 누구를 기다려 주지 않습니다.] 2028년 총선이 1년 8개월 앞으로 다가온 가운데 지금의 개혁신당으론 보수야권의 한 축을 온전히 맡기 어려울 걸로 본 거란 분석입니다. 보수야권 잠룡인 이 대표가 가벼워진 운신으로 '반 장동혁 대표 성향'의 국민의힘 의원들이나 개혁보수 세력과 연대를 모색할지가 관심인데, 개혁신당 관계자는 현재로선 이 대표도 지도부도, '자강'부터 하자는 데 이견이 없다고 했습니다. (영상취재 : 이승환·신동환, 영상편집 : 장현기, 디자인 : 이가진)。

二 | (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity. Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies. Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience. Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence. He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception. This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance. A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice. The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems. The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers. Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation. That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China. China's context, however, is fundamentally different. As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history. This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity. From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity. This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion. In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions. Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state. Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities. So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies. They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality. 。

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